Goa, Nehru, and the Freedom Struggle

The state of Goa had once been a Portuguese colony, long before the concept of nation-states were created. However the colonization of Goa had not been without its rebellions, which only intensified after India gained its status as a free nation in 1947. Goa’s unique identity as both a territory within India and a territory ruled by the Portuguese helped shape their freedom struggle against the Portuguese government.  Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first prime minster was a key figure in securing Goa’s liberation. In historical narratives however, Nehru is credited as the sole figure of Goan independence, while ignoring the efforts made by the Goan working class, peasants, and the elite. Nehru was certainly instrumental in negotiating and keeping the issue of Goa relevant in international politics, but the path paved to free Goa from colonial rule was ultimately created by the Goan and Indian people. From that path, Nehru helped guide the movement by organizing and finalizing the plans that would eventually result in Goa breaking free from Portugal.

The Portuguese Empire had many colonies overseas, including the Indian colonies of Diu, Daman, and the largest of their colonies, Goa.[1] Although Goa was the largest of the colonies, the territory itself was small at around “1,309 square miles”.[2]  Counting both Diu and Damen, the Portuguese colonies totaled at “1,537 square miles”.[3] The capital of the Portuguese Indian colony was Nova Goa.[4]  The 1950 Portuguese census numbered the population of the colonies at “637, 591” with a breakdown of “636, 153 Indians, 517 Europeans, 336 Eurasians, 258 Africans, 226 mixed and 101 others”. [5] The same census also noted the religion affiliation of the population: “61 per cent Hindus, 36 percent Christians and three per cent others, including Muslims”.[6] The ethnic groups that live in Goa and the surrounding areas belonged to “Shenvis, Chitpavans, Karadas, Mahars and Chamars”.[7] The language spoken by the majority of the people is Konkani, with Portuguese spoken only by an extremely small minority at around “three per cent”.[8]  Goa is located on the west coast of India and was known as “the Novas Conquistas” or “New Conquests” to the Portuguese.[9] The Old Conquests established in 1543 consisted of four districts, “Bardez, Ilhas (Isles of Goa), Salcete and Mormagao,”, while in the 18th century the districts of the New Conquests, “Pernam, Sanquelim, Satari, Ponda, Quepem, Sanguem and Canacona” were established.[10]

After Afonso d’ Albuquerque, a Portuguese general and the second governor of Portuguese India, established Goa as a Portuguese colony  in November 25, 1510,  the administration of the territory changed almost immediately.[11] Portuguese administrators inherited the roles of the previous Muslim employees that had established the government system in Goa.[12] Intermarriage between Portuguese men and Goan women became more common place as the Portuguese administration gave incentives for such unions by giving away military titles and land in the newly conquered territory.[13] This was in order to create a class of Portuguese-Goans who would remain loyal to the state.[14]  However the marriages were not approved until the women were baptized as Christians.[15] Women who converted were given extra privileges and gifts by their husbands and rulers as rewards.[16] The reason for the conversions, aside from the religious “duty”, was to create a stable government by using Christianity as a way to control the native Goans.[17]  Indians that converted to Christianity were given government jobs.[18] The Portuguese administration also rewarded those who quelled rebellions by giving them land grants.[19]

In 1926, a military coup dismantled the Portuguese Republic rule, replaced by the dictatorship led by Dr. Antonio d’ Oliveira Salazar.[20] In his rule, Salazar put severe restrictions on the freedoms of both Portugal and its colonies, including Goa.[21] In May 1930, Salazar passed the Colonial Act, in which Goa was under the direct control of the government in Lisbon, decreasing the power of the Colonial Ministry.[22] It also established Goa as a “subject possession” of Portugal and drew distinctions between Portuguese citizens and native Goans.[23]  Under the “Acto Colonial” laws, Goans could not organize or meet in public, there was censorship in newspapers, and any documents that contained nationalistic opinions were deemed as threats to the state and were destroyed.[24]

In Salazar’s government, the governor-general had the most power in Goan politics.[25] The governor-general of Goa was handpicked by the Portuguese government and was under the control of the Portuguese Overseas Minister.[26] While the governor-general of Goa did have a small council to guide him, he had control over the treasuries of the colonies as well as having the power to “overrule all agencies-executive, judicial, or elected”.[27] The governor-general also assigned civic administers to different districts without any public elections.[28] However even the governor-general was subordinate to the Colonial Minister, who had the final authority to pass new laws and budgets.[29] Whatever laws were passed by the Portuguese National Assembly would be passed in the colonies.[30]  Under the Portuguese rule, native Indian languages were banned in official government and court documents.[31] Because Portuguese was the official language of the colonies, government officials were not allowed to speak Indian languages while on-duty.[32] Under Salazar, the dictatorship only allowed one party in Portugal, which was also reflected in Goa; only the Uniaco Nacional party was legal.[33]

While Salazar insisted that the Portuguese government treated all its citizens equally, in practice that was not the case.[34] Top positions and official posts in the administration were reserved for the Portuguese only and the highest position in the military a native Goan could get was corporal.[35]  The heavy use of military force was also used in policing the population; there was “one soldier or policeman for every 40 citizens”.[36]  While military service was voluntary, there was a mandatory military tax in order to raise funds.[37] There was censorship of the press by rewarding publications that portrayed the government in a positive light.[38] Voting in Portuguese Goa was a privilege, not a right: “Fewer than 25,000 persons out a population of 637,000 enjoyed voting rights in the elections to the legislative council”.[39] Only someone who belonged to the single party and was deemed a non-threat to the establishment could vote.[40] Political public meetings and speeches could only happen with the government’s permission.[41] The Portuguese also tried to ban the native language spoken by most Goans, Konkani, by banning schools that taught Konkani and replacing them with schools that taught Portuguese, as well as destroying books in Konkani.[42] However despite the Portuguese’s efforts, by the 1960s only three percent of the population knew Portuguese, with the majority speaking Konkani.[43] Catholicism also remained the state religion in Goa even after the Portuguese republican era in 1910, leaving no separation between Church and State even when that was no longer the case in Portugal itself.[44]

While the restricted civil liberties were a factor in growing dissent in Goa, the economic situation in Goa was also a large factor.  Exports had traditionally been a large part of the Goan economy, although it had declined in favor of mining and tourism for state revenue.[45] However since Goa was a colony, its economy had been hampered by the Portuguese administration as much of the revenue went back Portugal.[46] The Portuguese did little to modernize Goa’s industries and ports, and when it did, it was for their own benefit rather than for the Goan people.[47] The administration did not pay much attention to agricultural growth, leading to very little agricultural produce within Goa and instead relying heavily on imports for food and goods.[48] Those goods in turn came at a high import price due to Portugal’s and India’s antagonistic relations with each other.[49]

While tourism became an important part of Goa’s economy after liberation, the Portuguese did little to invest in tourism during their rule.[50] During the 1950s, the Portuguese government in Goa did not invest in tourism for two reasons; one was a fear of tourists introducing foreign ideas that would encourage rebellion and two, the border with India was closed off to Goa, preventing easily accessible Indian tourists.[51]  It was also during this time that the Portuguese administration attempted to improve the economy, education, agriculture, and sanitation by introducing the “Development Plan” and the “Agricultural Mission” in 1952 and 1955.[52] However agriculture failed to increase its productivity due to “lack of mechanization, absence of adequate irrigation facilities, reduction in soil fertility, unavailability of chemical fertilizers, frequent outbreaks of disease and pests” as well as the labor shortage due to the mining industry and “governmental neglect”.[53]

The spark for rebellion in Goa began in the economic trends that could also be traced back to the 16th century.[54] In the 1600s, Goa’s economy began to decline as merchants invested elsewhere in the Portuguese Empire.[55] During the Napoleonic Wars, British troops occupied Goa to protect it from Napoleon’s plan to use the colony as a base, staying until 1815.[56]  This in turn led to Goans immigrating to British India to find employment as soldiers, tailors, musicians, sailors, and cooks, with many of them settling in Bombay.[57] The majority of Goans that left were Christians.[58] Because of their familiarity with Western customs and Latin script, Christian Goans found employment in British India not only in public sectors, but also as clerks in private businesses as well.[59] Goans went abroad to Africa and the Persian Gulf through British-led business endeavors.[60] Employment under the British gave Goans both economic and educational opportunities that were not available under the Portuguese as well as introducing them to new ideas of liberation that were beginning to stir in British India.[61]

In the 1930s and 1940s, the Goan independence movement was heavily influenced by the Indian National Movement led by Gandhi.[62] News of the movement reached Goa via newspapers from British India, inspiring Goans to free themselves from Portuguese rule so they could join the Indian Union.[63] Due to censorship, Nationalists groups had to operate as cultural groups; many of them sprung up from the National Movement such as “Goa Seva Sangh, the Gomantakiya Tarun Sangh, the Vidyarthi Congress” among others.[64] These groups would be dispatched to villages in Goa to educate peasants about the current nationalistic politics within India.[65] They would also promote the sales of locally made goods, host plays with national narratives, and teach crafts to villagers to promote self-sufficiency.[66] Village committees were also organized by national groups to create political awareness within their own communities.[67] While some national groups wanted the Indian government to free them from the Portuguese, some villagers joined more proactive Goan national groups, where they would be trained in combat and help give necessary supplies to rebels.[68]

However it was difficult to mobilize the masses in Goa. The first reason was that many Goans were administrated by their bhatkars or landlords in the villages, who were loyal to the Portuguese.[69] Peasants risked losing their homes and wages if they supported the Goan independence movement; so much of the resistance took place on the border of Goa in British India through satyagrahis or nonviolent resistance.[70] Due to the mass arrests and threats of deportation from the Portuguese administration, the center of the Goan resistance shifted to Bombay and to the Goan intellectuals living there.[71] The Goan Political Conference, made up of Goan elites, editors, leaders of village unions, agreed to the “Quit Goa” movement and appealed to the Indian government to take action.[72]

In 1930, the Catholic Goan elite residing in British India joined the Nationalist Christian Party, both as a way to support the national cause and as a way to protect their religious freedoms.[73] In 1932, Catholic Goans attended the All-Parties Conference to discuss the protection of Christian rights in a liberated India.[74] This in turn led to Christian groups, including the Catholic Union of India, to represent Christians and to bring any concerns from the Christian community to the Indian government in 1944.[75] Two years later, Christians were a part of the Constituent Assembly and helped to draft protections for religious minorities in the Indian Constitution.[76]

There were also many prominent Goan leaders that attempted to mobilize Goans. One leader was Madhav Bir, who mobilized peasants in the village of Nerul through a farmers’ association.[77] Madhav Bir’s goal was to create farming co-operatives within the village and improve the peasants’ farming conditions as well as educating them through a literacy program.[78] Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia, a socialist leader from Northern India, fought against Portuguese censorship by appealing to ordinary Goans.[79] In June 1946, inspired by Gandhi’s satyagraha movement, Lohia led the first movement against the Portuguese administration in Goa.[80] Following in the footsteps of Gandhi, Lohia encouraged Goans to make their own goods such as cloth and to refuse to pay their taxes until Goa was free from Portuguese rule.[81] Although Lohia was later arrested and deported by Portuguese authorities, the satyagraha movement continued to spread among ordinary Goans, who’s leaders were suppressed by mass arrests by the Portuguese[82]

T.B Cunha created the Goa Congress Committee in 1928 as a way to establish contact with the All-India Congress Committee, connecting the political aims of India and Goa.[83] The committee’s goal was to educate Goans on political matters and they printed pamphlets in “Konkani, Marathi, English and Portuguese” to reach a larger audience.[84] However censorship from both the British and the Portuguese governments hindered their efforts.[85] In October 1938, Subhash Chandra Brose helped to create the Provisional Goa Congress Committee in Bombay which worked together with the Goa Congress Committee on matters of Goan liberation.[86]

Aloysius Soares, another Goan intellectual, founded a newspaper in 1926 called the Week.[87] While other newspapers in Goa such as the Examiner supported the British government and discouraged Catholics to be involved in politics, the Week placed its loyalties on the nationalist movement in India and encouraged Catholics to be politically active.[88] Unfortunately the newspaper raised the ire of both the Portuguese and British governments and the Week was dismantled in 1932.[89] Soares was also responsible for creating a manifesto with the Goan community in Bombay that declared their wish to be free from Portuguese rule and to join the Indian Union.[90] The manifesto also contained the request for the Indian Union to respect the unique culture of Goa and was sent to Nehru and the Parliament, both of whom reassured the Goan community.[91] In 1960, Soares also organized the Goan Political Convention to appeal to the Indian government for military action on the behalf of Goans.[92]

Gandhi himself commented on the events in Goa, writing in Harijan in support for the Goan independence movement.[93] Gandhi communicated with the Goa Congress Committee, advocating for peaceful negotiations with the Portuguese government but believed that freedom for Goa could only come after the rest of India gained independence from the British.[94]  The Portuguese Governor-General of Goa, Dr. Bossa, wrote to Gandhi about the legitimacy of Portuguese claim to Goa, to which Gandhi wrote back about the Portuguese mistreatment of Goans and insisting again that Goa should be its own government.[95] Gandhi also gave advice to the National Congress (Goa) in 1947, in which Goans were promised “self-determination”, advised non-violent forms of resistance, and that for those who did resist with violence, to let them continue their fight without criticism.[96]

When India gained its independence from Britain, a telegram from Salazar was sent to Nehru, congratulating him and the people of India.[97] Nehru thanked him for the telegram, but both did not breach the subject of Goa in their short correspondence.[98] Contacting Nehru was one of the wiser choices Salazar made considering Nehru’s role in international politics. Jawaharlal Nehru had played an important role in India’s foreign policy even before India gained its independence.[99] He was the spokesman for the foreign department under Congress in 1925 and once he became prime minster, Nehru led India’s foreign policy with little opposition from Congress and other party members.[100]

At the time of the correspondence, Salazar was concerned that the newly liberated India would become involved in freeing Goa from Portuguese control.[101] However Salazar was hoping that the issues that India faced with Pakistan, Kashmir, and later China would distract Nehru from the thought of Goan liberation.[102] Salazar refused to negotiate with the Indian government, stubbornly refusing to have direct diplomatic talks.[103] Meanwhile the Indian government began to grow concerned about rumors that Portugal was selling weapons to Pakistan in Goa, creating a security threat.[104]  In 1950 however both countries established diplomatic ties with one another, so they could solve the issue of Goa.[105] Both countries were still firm in their stance: Portugal wanted Goa to remain a colony, while India wanted Goa to have its own form of government separate from Portugal.[106]

The debate on what to do with Goa did not remain an issue solely between Portugal and India; it soon became an international issue as well.  In 1947, Mrs. Pandit, representing India at the United Nations, criticized Portugal as “a Fascist government” that did not allow any civil freedoms in Goa.[107] When the United Nations voted to induct new members, which included Portugal, India had voted against Portugal’s membership.[108] In 1949, the United States, along with other western powers created the groundwork for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, also known as NATO.[109] This treaty was created to combat the power of the Soviet Union and to protect members from communist threat.[110] Portugal joined NATO in April of 1949, hoping that its membership could be used in its favor, complicating matters for the Indian government. [111]

During the Korean War, Nehru gained a reputation for his peaceful polices by suggesting China’s membership into the United Nations and by promoting a peaceful solution in China’s war with Tibet in 1950.[112] It was during this time that Nehru thought a peaceful solution to Goa might be likely.[113] Nehru pushed for a non-violent solution to Goa, not only to sustain India’s reputation as a peace seeking nation, but also to win over NATO members.[114] By winning their support, he could diffuse Cold War tensions and justify any future actions with Goa, even when it meant eventual military conflict.[115]

Another analysis of Nehru’s policy of neutralism and non-conflict is that it may have been done not out of altruism, but out of necessity.[116] The Indian government had to take a stance of neutrality because it did not have the ability to fight larger militaries, such as China during the Tibetan conflict.[117] India also could not afford to lose economic support from either communist or capitalist countries due to its recent independence.[118] Becoming involved in wars due to Cold War conflicts would drain India financially and that was a risk Nehru did not want to take.[119]

For all of Nehru’s advocacy for peace however, there were also signs that peace was not always the first choice for the Indian government. Perry Anderson in his book The Indian Ideology argued that Nehru was not the pacifist he portrayed himself to be. Anderson cited the examples of jailing opposition leaders from communist and military groups, the purging of communist leadership in states like Kerala, and heavy military spending as contradictory to Nehru’s image of a peaceful democracy.[120] Anderson also cited the armed conflicts in Kasmir, Nagaland, and Asksai Chin as further proof that the Indian Government was often the aggressor in military conflicts.[121]  In the case of Goa however, military conflict was not Nehru’s first choice as he attempted to negotiate with the Portuguese government.[122]

Meanwhile in Goa, the Goan people were beginning to become impatient with the negotiations. In 1954 and in 1955, more satyagraha movements were held, organized by groups outside of Goa, such as the Goan National Congress, the Maharashtra and Gujarat Praja Socialist Party, among others.[123] In reaction to the satyagraha movements, the Portuguese government tried to convince other NATO members to take a stance against Goan independence; however the United States, Britain, and other NATO members did little to interfere with a matter that they saw as a conflict solely between India and Portugal.[124]  When NATO negotiations failed, the Portuguese government prepared for an armed conflict: “Rail and ferry services were suspended, bridges were mined, trenches were dug, and all foreign newspapers were banned”.[125] Fearing bloodshed, Nehru ordered Indian police to prevent Indian citizens from crossing the border into Goa and other Portuguese territories to partake in the satyagrahis.[126] This severely hampered the freedom movement within Goa and the satyagraha movement was crushed in Goa, forcing Goans to rely on the Indian government for help.[127]

A turning point for Nehru and the Indian government was the killing of satyagraha protesters by the Portuguese military.[128] In August 15th, 1955 at the border of Goa and India, protestors were shot upon by the Portuguese military, leaving “22 shot dead and 225 wounded.[129] Those who survived were either exiled from Goa or were given lengthy prison sentences.[130]  Nehru condoned the massacre and the India president Rajendra Prasad also announced that it was only a matter of time until Goa would be free to join the India.[131] After the satyagraha killings, India discontinued their diplomatic strategy with Portugal, closing Consulates for both countries.[132] During the Non-Aligned conference in Bandung in 1955, Nehru criticized NATO for supporting colonial powers like Portugal.[133]  In the conference, the African and Asian countries that were present promised to end colonial rule in their countries, which included Goa.[134]

In 1955, Khrushchev and Marshal Bulganin paid a visit to India, lending Soviet support for Nehru’s stance on the need to free Goa.[135] While India was given approval by a powerful nation, Salazar thought of the support as a turn in his favor.[136] Goa now became a Cold War issue, and so Salazar attempted yet again to gain support from NATO members who wanted to halt the spread of communism.[137] While there was initial support from the United States, the support was withdrawn after the Indian government criticized the remarks made by the Secretary of State John Dulles in supporting Portuguese claims to Goa.[138] In 1955, Nehru wrote a reply to the Lok Sabha on July 26th, stating his opinion on Goa.[139] He stated that Portugal was an “interference” to India’s democracy and that “any attempt by a foreign power to interfere in any way with India is a thing which India cannot tolerate, and which, subject to her strength, she will oppose”.[140] He also wrote that the only solution to Goa was for it to join the Indian Union.[141]

In 1956, Nehru visited President Eisenhower and the U.S president gave his support to India’s claim on Goa.[142] The United States government aided in freeing Indian protesters from Goan prisons and eventually Portugal relented and freed Indian prisoners as well; Goan prisoners however remained imprisoned.[143] What was criticized however was that the Indian government then ignored the jailed Goan protesters, only looking out for their own citizens.[144]

On July 10th, 1953, Salazar spoke in front of the Library Hall of National Assembly in Lisbon to address the issue of Goa and other Portuguese colonies in India.[145] In his speech, Salazar highlighted the importance of colonies as a major part of economic growth for Portugal.[146] However most of his speech was centered on the sacrifice of the Portuguese in “civilizing” their colonies, using emotion to appeal to the Portuguese people.[147] Salazar framed Portugal as a victim of international criticism despite bringing “law and order, organization, culture, language, the teaching of control and exploration of wealth” to the “primitive” Goans.[148] Salazar singled out the United Nations as being particularly harsh in its judgment against other colonizing countries.[149] Salazar also singled out the Indian government as being antagonistic towards Portuguese Goa, through the use of propaganda, newspapers, and inciting protest in its citizens.[150] However Salazar did show admiration for India’s independence and hoped that both the Portuguese and Indian governments could find a peaceful solution to Goa.[151] Although the United Nations, the Indian government, and much of the international world condemned Portugal’s possessions oversea, Salazar assured the people of the Portugal that the government would be steadfast in its position to continue to keep Goa in its possession.[152]

While it seemed that in Salazar’s speech that he had good intentions, just a month earlier on June 8th, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Lisbon published a report titled “Frontier Incidents and Anti-Portuguese Activity in the Indian Union”.[153] In the report, the ministry detailed different Anti-Portuguese events in its annex such as armed border disputes, attacks on police officers, and protestors.[154] The report described the protestors as violent and undermined the legitimacy of the liberation movement by summarizing the protest leaders as having “criminal records”.[155] The report even went as far as attacking their appearance by describing one group of protestors as such: “Their appearance was pitiful and among them were a cripple, a lunatic, a blind man and an epileptic”.[156] The most ridiculous claim of propaganda however was in the introduction of the report. While it described the anti-Portuguese reporting of Indian newspaper, it praised Goan newspapers as remaining “faithful to their Country” despite the fact that there was heavy censorship in Goa.[157]

Meanwhile in Portugal, the situation for Salazar was looking bleak. Internal political opposition for the dictator was growing in the 1950s and when Portugal became a member of the United Nations in 1955, Salazar was under international pressure to decolonize Portuguese territories.[158] While Portugal stopped using the word “colony” to describe Goa in 1951, the Portuguese government replaced it by claiming Goa as an “oversea province” and thus, an extension of Portugal itself.[159]  Goa was not only a badge of pride for Portugal, but it also became a symbol of Salazar’s legitimacy; in other words, the issue of Goa was now personal.

At the Non-Aligned Belgrade Conference in 1961, Nehru placed emphases on peace rather than on anti-colonial revolutions, stating that the worst stage of colonialism was over.[160] The African and Asian countries that were present, particularly China, criticized Nehru’s passiveness, threatening India’s leadership.[161] For Nehru, Goa now became not only a domestic issue, but also an international one where the prestige of India was at stake.[162]

Despite the attempts at negotiation, Nehru felt that his only option was the liberation of Goa by force. On December 18th, 1961, Operation Vijay began and ended a day later, successfully capturing Goa, Daman, and Diu with light causalities.[163]  Goa was free from Portugal’s 450 years of rule and a year later in 1962, Goa became a part of the Indian Union.[164]    Naturally the liberation of Goa was not received well in Salazar’s Portugal. Portugal was not about to let Goa go and so propaganda efforts only intensified.  In 1962, the Portuguese National Secretariate for Information published a book titled, “The Invasion and Occupation of Goa in The World Press”. The book archived newspapers articles from around the world, condemning the Indian government’s actions in liberating Goa.[165] It is obvious what stance the Portuguese took on the matter just by reading the introduction: “From it there stands out Portugal’s right and India’s wrong, the failure of responsible international organizations to keep the peace and the communist machinations against the west”.[166]

After the loss of Goa and the other colonies in India, Salazar spoke in front of the National Assembly on January 3rd, 1962 in Lisbon.[167] He began his speech by describing the invasion of the Indian military into Goa as “one of the greatest disasters in our history” and described Nehru’s ambitions as “imperialistic”.[168] He also described Nehru as “racist” because of his “prejudice” towards Western countries, a claim that is obviously ridiculous.[169] He also mentioned that Goans had enjoyed the same rights as the Portuguese in Goa and that the economy in Goa was booming, both of which were false.[170] Salazar also criticized the United Nations for siding with India and the Soviet Union in favor for Goa’s independence, stating that “I do not yet know whether we shall be the first country to abandon the United Nations, but we shall surely be among the first”.[171]  Although Salazar held on to the hope that Goa would be given back to Portugal through international courts, it was obvious from the last sentence of the speech that even he thought Goa was ultimately a lost cause for Portugal: “The whole Nation feels in its flesh and in its spirit the tragedy that we have experienced and that it should live on in its heart is a small consolation, but consolation nevertheless, for those of us who would wish to die with it”.[172]  Portugal continued to claim Goa as its own until the Portuguese revolution in 1974 replaced the dictatorship with a new democratic government; the new Portuguese government then acknowledged Goa’s place in the Indian Union.[173]

Goa had finally won its independence, thanks to the efforts made by Nehru and the Goan and Indian people. The liberation of Goa would not be possible without the involvement of either Nehru or the people of Goa. It was the people of Goa that organized themselves and brought the issue of Goan liberation to the Indian government. Nehru listened to their struggles and campaigned on the behalf of Goa, using his skills and political power to gain leverage in the international world. It was only through the combined efforts of both parties that Goa was freed, once and for all.

Bibliography

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  2. Anderson, Perry. The Indian Ideology. New York: Verso, 2013.
  3. Gaitonde, P.D. The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History. London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987.
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[1] R.P. Rao, Portugese Rule in Goa: 1510-1961, (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 9.

[2] Ibid., 9.

[3] Ibid., 9.

[4] Ibid., 18.

[5] Ibid., 9.

[6] Ibid., 52.

[7] Ibid., 11.

[8] Ibid., 12.

[9] Ibid., 9.

[10] Ibid., 13.

[11] Ibid., 29-30.

[12] Ibid., 31.

[13] Ibid., 31.

[14] Pratima Kamat, “Peasantry and the Colonial State in Goa 1946-1961”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 141.

[15] R.P. Rao, Portugese Rule in Goa: 1510-1961, (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 42.

[16] Ibid., 42.

[17] Ibid., 42.

[18] Ibid., 43.

[19] Pratima Kamat, “Peasantry and the Colonial State in Goa 1946-1961”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 141.

[20] Pia De Menezes Rodrigues, “Emergence of A Goan Elite of Intellectuals (1820-1926)”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 200.

[21] Pratima Kamat, “Peasantry and the Colonial State in Goa 1946-1961”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 152.

[22] P.D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History, (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987), 21.

[23] Ibid., 21.

[24] Pratima Kamat, “Peasantry and the Colonial State in Goa 1946-1961”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe, (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 152.

[25] R.P. Rao, Portugese Rule in Goa: 1510-1961, (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 46.

[26] Ibid., 46.

[27] Ibid., 46.

[28] Ibid., 47.

[29] Ibid., 46.

[30] Ibid., 46.

[31] Ibid., 47.

[32] Ibid., 47.

[33] Ibid., 47.

[34] Ibid., 47.

[35] Ibid., 47.

[36] Ibid., 47.

[37] Ibid., 47.

[38] Ibid., 48-49.

[39] Ibid., 49.

[40] Ibid., 49.

[41] Ibid., 49.

[42] Ibid., 52-53.

[43] Ibid., 51-52.

[44] Ibid., 44.

[45] Ibid., 13.

[46] Ibid., 56.

[47] Ibid., 56-57.

[48] Ibid., 56-57.

[49] Ibid., 56-57.

[50] Oscar G. Pereira, “Tourism in Goa: Risks and Opportunities”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe, (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 93.

[51] Ibid., 93.

[52] Pratima Kamat, “Peasantry and the Colonial State in Goa 1946-1961”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 150.

[53] Ibid., 150.

[54] Teresa Albuquerque, “Liberation and the Goan Ethos”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 220.

[55] Ibid., 220.

[56] Ibid., 220.

[57] Ibid., 220-221.

[58] Ibid., 221.

[59] Ibid., 221.

[60] Ibid., 222.

[61] Ibid., 221.

[62] Pratima Kamat, “Peasantry and the Colonial State in Goa 1946-1961”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe, (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 152-153.

[63] Ibid., 153.

[64] Ibid., 153-154.

[65] Ibid., 154.

[66] Ibid., 154.

[67] Ibid., 154.

[68] Ibid., 155.

[69] Teresa Albuquerque, “Liberation and the Goan Ethos”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 224.

[70] Ibid., 224.

[71] Ibid., 224.

[72] Ibid., 224.

[73] Ibid., 223.

[74] Ibid., 223.

[75] Ibid., 223.

[76] Ibid., 223.

[77] Pratima Kamat, “Peasantry and the Colonial State in Goa 1946-1961”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 153.

[78] Ibid., 153.

[79] Ibid., 153.

[80] P.D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History, (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987), 28.

[81] Pratima Kamat, “Peasantry and the Colonial State in Goa 1946-1961”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 153.

[82] P.D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History, (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987), 29.

[83] Ibid., 20.

[84] Ibid., 25.

[85] Ibid., 25.

[86] Ibid., 25.

[87] Teresa Albuquerque, “Liberation and the Goan Ethos”, in Goa and Portugal: History and Development, ed. by Charles J. Borges, Oscar G. Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000), 223.

[88] Ibid., 223.

[89] Ibid., 223.

[90] Ibid., 223.

[91] Ibid., 225.

[92] Ibid., 225.

[93] P.D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History, (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987), 29.

[94] Ibid., 31-32.

[95] Ibid., 31-33.

[96] Ibid., 35-36.

[97] Ibid., 41.

[98] Ibid., 41.

[99] Arthur G. Rubinoff, India’s Use of Force in Goa, (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1971), 8.

[100] Ibid., 8.

[101] P.D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History, (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987), 42.

[102] Ibid., 42.

[103] Ibid., 48.

[104] Ibid., 51.

[105] Ibid., 58.

[106] Ibid., 58.

[107] Ibid., 44.

[108] Ibid., 44.

[109] Ibid., 55.

[110] Ibid., 55.

[111] Ibid., 55.

[112] Ibid., 64.

[113] Ibid., 64.

[114] Arthur G. Rubinoff, India’s Use of Force in Goa, (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1971), 45-46.

[115] Ibid., 45.

[116] Ibid., 4.

[117] Ibid., 4.

[118] Ibid., 16.

[119] Ibid., 17.

[120] Perry Anderson, The Indian Ideology, (New York: Verso, 2013), 109-110.

[121] Ibid., 119-128.

[122] P.D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History, (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987), 58.

[123] Ibid., 92.

[124] Ibid., 93-94.

[125] Ibid., 98.

[126] Ibid., 98.

[127] Ibid., 98.

[128] Ibid., 108.

[129] Ibid., 108.

[130] Ibid., 112.

[131] Ibid., 108-109.

[132] Ibid., 110.

[133] Ibid., 111.

[134] Ibid., 111.

[135] Ibid., 112-113.

[136] Ibid., 113.

[137] Ibid., 113.

[138] Ibid., 113-114.

[139] Jawaharlal Nehru, “Goa”, in The Essential Writings of Jawaharlal Nehru: Volume II, ed. by S. Gopal and Uma Iyengar (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003), 158.

[140] Ibid., 158.

[141] Ibid., 158.

[142] P.D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History, (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987), 116-117.

[143] Ibid., 116-117.

[144] Ibid., 117.

[145] Dr. Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, Portugal and its Overseas Provinces, (Lisbon: Agencia Geral Do Ultramar Divisao De Publicacoes E Biblioteca, 1953), 8.

[146] Ibid., 9.

[147] Ibid., 10.

[148] Ibid., 10.

[149] Ibid., 10.

[150] Ibid., 12-13.

[151] Ibid., 13.

[152] Ibid., 11.

[153] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Frontier Incidents and Anti-Portuguese Activities in the Indian Union, (Lisbon: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1955), 1-2.

[154] Ibid., 11-14.

[155] Ibid., 13.

[156] Ibid., 13.

[157] Ibid., 3.

[158] P.D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History, (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987), 123-124.

[159] Arthur G. Rubinoff, India’s Use of Force in Goa, (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1971), 41.

[160] P.D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History, (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987), 133.

[161] Ibid., 133.

[162] Ibid., 133.

[163] Ibid., 166-168.

[164] Ibid., 173-174.

[165]  The Invasion and Occupation of Goa in the World Press, ed. by The National Secretariate for Information (Lisbon: The National Secretariate for Information, 1962), 6-7.

[166] Ibid., 7.

[167] Dr. Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, The Invasion and Occupation of Goa by the Indian Union, (Lisbon: Secretariado Nacional Da Informacao, 1962), 1.

[168] Ibid., 3-4.

[169] Ibid., 5.

[170] Ibid., 6-7.

[171] Ibid., 17-18.

[172] Ibid., 22-24.

[173] P.D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A Participant’s View of History, (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1987), 175.

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