Forms of Resistance among Brazilian African Slaves during the Colonial Period

The enslavement of Africans in the colony of Brazil was a dark time in the country’s history. Slavery had always been a cruel practice and slaves had been commonly portrayed as being powerless victims. While the abuse towards slaves at the hands of their masters has never been disputed, slaves did indeed have more authority over their own lives than what is popularly believed. Slaves in Brazil had power over their lives and communities through practices brought from Africa, challenging the very foundation of colonial Brazil itself.[1] Slaves also gained independence through occupations and could even gain their own freedom through various means.[2] Slaves resisted their masters and the colonial establishment through religion, culture, economics, and sheer determination.

The history of slavery in Brazil began in the middle of 1500s, with the official start of the Portuguese rule in Brazil.[3]  African slaves came from Angola, Mina and Gold coast, Benin, and other regions in Africa.[4] African slaves themselves were composed of many different ethnic groups such as the “Jolofs, Mandinga, and Ardra” as well as Bantu, Bight, and Sudanese.[5] Many slave communities in Brazil shared the “Angola” language and it became a shared language that united the communities.[6] Slaves from Africa were brought to Brazil mainly to provide manual labor in sugar cane plantations in the Northeast, in the provinces of Bahia and Pernambuco.[7] However slave labor was also used in a variety of other occupations in cattle ranches in the Northwest and mines in the central province of Minas Gerais.[8]                                                       

With the arrival of slaves also came the practices and beliefs of their homeland. In many African societies, the act of divination or the communication between the living and the spirit realm was a common practice.[9] Through divination, the person who is the diviner could gain answers from the spirits to solve issues such as health and criminal matters.[10] They were an important part of African societies and when African slaves were brought to Brazil, diviners also had an important role in Brazilian slave society.[11] A large amount of African “witches” were sold into slavery in Brazil and therefore had a large influence in the New World.[12] The incoming slaves had very little education in Christianity and so many of them stuck instead to their more familiar African religious customs.[13] Central Africans were the most prominent group of Africans to use the method of divination in Brazil.[14] In their divination methods, answers often would reflect popular opinion held in the community; for example if a community blamed a certain person for a crime, the diviner would give an answer confirming that particular person’s guilt.[15] There was a variety of divination methods used to determine guilt or innocence in criminal matters.[16] In one method, the suspects must pull a rock from a pot of boiling water; the person who is burned by the rock is guilty.[17] In another method, each suspect’s arm would be covered with a balm and a needle would be stuck into their skin; only the guilty would bleed from the needle prick.[18] The Portuguese living in Brazil utilized African divination as a powerful tool and took advantage of the ability.[19] The Portuguese colonists thought of African divination as more powerful than any type of divinations they themselves had and although they viewed it as an unholy superstition, the Portuguese colonists distanced their involvement by placing division as solely an African tradition that was separate from Brazilian society.[20] Slave masters would often ask African diviners in the community to solve conflicts among their slaves or if they suspected a slave of wrong-doing.[21] African diviners would often put the blame on slaves outside of the community so that order can still be maintained among the slaves and slave masters.[22] African diviners that were sought after by slave owners would sometimes be compensated for their service through cash or goods.[23] Not only did diviners gain recognition by both colonists and fellow Africans in Brazil, but they also gained financially from their services, therefore giving African diviners power and independence through their abilities.[24]

Divination also was used within the African slave community of Brazil for their own benefit.[25] Divination and other African rituals aided African slaves of different ethnic, cultural, and linguistic backgrounds to unite around a shared religious and spiritual tradition.[26] Slave communities centered on African religious traditions as a way to alleviate the stress and pain of working on plantations.[27] African rituals also gave slaves a sense of solidarity and acted as a center for social gatherings.[28] Besides their fears of African rituals, slave owners feared that the gatherings could encourage uprising among slaves.[29] While their fears of rebellion through African religious practices were mostly unfounded, the act of divination was one way of resisting slave owners and Portuguese colonialists in Brazil.[30]

While African divination had been used to benefit slave owners, it had also served as a detriment, as ultimately the result of the divination would lie with the African diviners.[31] There had been instances where African diviners had asked slave owners to release slaves that had been under suspicion for crimes.[32] African diviners also took advantage of the Portuguese’s ignorance of their practices and used it to cheat them out of their money or goods without solving their issues.[33] Diviners sometimes would reveal to their white clients that their family members or even the client who had asked for the service themselves were responsible for a crime.[34] White colonists acknowledged the power of African diviners and thought of it as a successful method of justice even more so than their own colonial courts, despite the risk of obtaining unsatisfactory results.[35] In turn, this gave African diviners and slaves alike their own power by legitimizing their role in Brazilian society as peacekeepers, judges, and protectors of their African communities.[36] Their roles in Brazilian societies were not isolated to only slave communities but to white colonial society as well, giving them power over their slave masters.[37]

Like divination, other African spiritual practices were also used to gain power for slaves within colonial Brazil. Calundu, a practice of spiritual possession originating from Central Africa, was used as a healing practice among slaves in Brazil.[38] In calundu the healer is possessed by a spirit and through communicating with that spirit, discovers what is ailing their patient.[39] This was particularly important to the slave community as slavery mortality rates in Brazil were very high.[40] White colonists also consulted with African healers to help heal their slaves and even sought calundu healers for their own illnesses.[41] Slave owners would even profit off of and buy slaves that could perform calundu rituals.[42] The slaves who were chosen to do calundu would benefit by gaining goods that were offered to appease the spirits.[43] Other slaves that acted as helpers also gained extra privileges by acting as musicians and dancers in the rituals.[44]

Calundu was thought of by both slaves and the Portuguese as being a more effective remedy than the exorcism offered by the Catholic Church, which often upset the priests who labeled calundu and other African rituals as having connections with the devil.[45] However some catholic priests acknowledged the power of African spiritual beliefs, believing themselves that even catholic practices were ineffective against African “curses”.[46] Calundu therefore challenged the power of the Catholic Church by being a popular cure among both Portuguese and Africans.[47] Through this popularity, African beliefs and practices could be preserved in the slave community and be expressed openly.[48]

However a slave diviner could also use their abilities to cause harm to their slave owner and their family.[49] The Catholic Church, the Portuguese, and other white settlers in Brazil considered African religions and rituals as “witchcraft”.[50] Slave masters were always fearful of slaves who would use their African “magic” to harm them should they mistreat them.[51] Cases of slaves poisoning their masters under the disguise of witchcraft were recorded in Brazil and although poisoning had a logical explanation, it was still considered a part of the spirit world and thus a part of African witchcraft.[52]

Catholic priests urged slave owners to give their slaves Sundays and Saint’s days off from work as days set aside for Christian worship.[53] However many slave owners refused to allow days off that could lead to a loss of profit.[54] This in turn frustrated priests in Brazil, even when slave owners insisted that slaves would not attend mass even if they were given days off.[55] They argued that slaves would simply worship their own African gods and spirits instead and so it was no use to give them Sundays off.[56] Eventually many slave owners relented and allowed their slaves to have Sundays and saint days off as long as they grew their own food and made their own clothes.[57] While the Brazilian catholic priesthood was not happy with this arrangement, citing that was a slave owner’s responsibility to take care of his slaves’ needs.[58] However slave owners were correct in their assumption that slaves would not take the days off as time for Christian worship.[59] Many slaves instead took the free time to worship their African gods, ancestors, and spirits as well as to spend time with their friends.[60] While Christianity did not make a major impact in the lives of slaves in Brazil, it did give them an opportunity to worship their own African religion through Christian practices, such as having Sundays free for mass.[61]

African slaves in Brazil also absorbed Christian icons and objects as an extension of their African religious practices.[62] Certain Catholic items would be interpreted by slaves as having protective powers, such as “the pedra d’ara, a piece of marble with an internal compartment filled with the relics of martyred saints”.[63] African slaves also turned to church saints to aid them in different circumstances.[64] They drew a similarity between the human catholic saints and African spirits, who had both been human in the past.[65] Slaves gave the saints faults like regular human beings, making them closer to their ancestral spirits rather than the church orthodox interpretation.[66] It created a unique blend of African and Catholic beliefs and gave slaves control over their own practices.[67]

From out of the blend of African and catholic beliefs came Brazilian African brotherhoods.[68] The brotherhoods, those ranks were made up of African slaves, would help the slave communities through charity by using the Catholic Church as a way to mobilize and organize.[69] Not only would they benefit their communities, but brotherhood members would also be given proper Catholic burials and funerals and support for members and their families.[70]  In Brazil, the majority of the brotherhoods were associated with the catholic orders of St. Benedict and Our Lady of the Rosary.[71] Through the catholic orders, African brotherhood members could also obtain loans through the government to buy the freedom for their fellow brotherhood members.[72] They also had the power to buy and then free brotherhood members who were being mistreated by their slave masters.[73]  Although they had to obtain permission from either a governor or a viceroy to free their members and had to prove the security of their finances, brotherhoods could also appeal to the king of Portugal should their attempts fail.[74] Due to the lack of finances however the amount of slaves that were freed was only about “two or three in a single year”.[75] However there were other methods in which slaves could gain their freedom. Beginning in the eighteenth century, a large number of slaves were able to gain back their freedom.[76] In 1835 alone, “free people of color made up about 43 percent” of the population of Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais.[77] The economic opportunities for slaves increased as they became integrated with the different job sectors such as farming and mining.[78] Economic opportunities were also presented more so in cities than in the countryside.[79] In addition, mulattos or mixed people of African descent were more likely to be freed by their slave masters.[80] However the increasing avenues of revenue aided slaves in purchasing their own freedom through “a carta de alforria, or certificate of freedom, by his master or by the legal representative of the owner”.[81] The certificate would have details such as the amount paid for the slave’s freedom, the reasons why the certificate was given, and “whether this was conditional or unconditional”.[82] Slaves who were granted carta de alforrias would keep it with them to prove that they were indeed freed.[83] Slaves that lived in more urban areas or who worked as miners were more able to afford freedom certificates than slaves living in the countryside because those areas had better a economic environment for slaves than plantations.[84]

Gold mining in particular had direct economic benefit to slaves as it allowed them to save up for their freedom.[85] Slaves in mines normally worked in trenches under the order of their masters, but for masters who could did not own a trench, they would send their slaves out as prospectors unsupervised.[86] In return, the slave prospectors would give their masters the gold they had found, while secretly keeping some for themselves.[87] Slaves in Brazil’s diamond industry also made attempts to smuggle diamonds and sell them, often for a much higher price than gold.[88] However diamond smuggling was much harder to get away with as the supervision was at higher levels and slaves were subjected to invasive body searches.[89] Store owners would gladly take the diamonds and even aid slaves in financial transactions and negations for their freedom.[90]

In more urban areas, slaves also made money through various occupations as shopkeepers, artisans, “navigators and sailors to coachmen, footmen, and an infinite variety of skills and semi-skills”.[91] While working for their masters, slaves’ services could also be rented out by their owners or slaves could find a job themselves and give their owners an agreed upon percent of the wages they earned.[92] The latter agreement was very popular in Brazil among urban slaves and their services extended out into the countryside and interior.[93] Women slaves would also be involved in such an arrangement as street peddlers, selling fish or cloth for their owners in return for keeping a percentage of their wages.[94] Female slaves would also turn to prostitution to gain income, either out of necessity or by force by their slave owners.[95] For the owner of a working slave, the benefit of such an arrangement would be to gain extra income, while for the working slave, the extra income that he or she would earn would be saved to gain a carta de alforria.[96]

Lastly, slaves could gain their freedom by running away to quilombos or maroon slave societies in the wilds of Brazil.[97] These slave settlements were a danger to small outpost communities, as members of the quilombos would take up arms and terrorize their former masters by destroying and stealing crops, goods, and property.[98] The largest and longest lasting quilombo was Palmares in Pernambuco.[99] It had lasted from 1602 to 1694 and its estimated population was “between 18,000 and 20,000” former slaves.[100] Bandeirantes finally destroyed Palmares, but not without a fierce struggle from their leader, Zumbi who was killed by colonial forces on November 20, 1695.[101]

However slave settlements themselves were not always a utopia.  Slaves that ran away to settlements like Palmares were considered free but slaves that were captured in attacks against outposts and towns were enslaved by their peers.[102] In time however runaway settlements were destroyed by colonial powers and the slaves were recaptured to face punishments, such as being branded or having parts of their bodies hacked off.[103] The price of freedom was steep and often short lived for slaves that chose to run away.[104]

Quilombos had been a major concern of the colonial administration in Brazil and the struggle against Palmares in particular was a difficult one.[105] In the document, The War against Palmares: Letter from the Governor of Pernambuco, Ferao de Sousa Coutinho (1 June 1671) on the Increasing Number of Insurgent Slaves Present in Palmares, the governor writes that Palmares was heavily guarded and the inhabitants had grown bolder, stealing and attacking the nearby towns.[106] He further stated that the successes of Palmares had caused it to grow and that he feared that it will cause further destruction.[107] He described the former slaves as being just as large a threat to Brazil as the Dutch and that they were supplied with weapons due to their alliance with local blacksmiths.[108] Many of the members of Palmares had also acquired skills while working for their masters that would give them an advantage in battle.[109] Governor Ferao de Sousa Coutinho ended the letter by pledging to the king of Portugal that he will gather an army to destroy the settlement of Palmares.[110]

Slaves resisted the structure of colonial Brazil in a multitude of ways. They used African religious practices, such as divination and spiritual possession to create a sense of community and gain power over colonialists.[111] Slaves also utilized catholic practices and symbols to blend together both African and catholic beliefs as well as to draw power from them.[112] In an economic form of resistance, slaves made money through mining and through urban occupations by using colonial legal and financial structures to buy their freedom.[113] Lastly slaves had formed their own communities outside colonial administration’s grasp through the establishment of quilombos.[114] Resistance by African slaves in Brazil came in many forms, but ultimately the results were to create a better society for slaves and to eventually gain independence from their masters.

 

Bibliography

  1. Early Brazil: A Documentary Collection to 1700. Edited by Stuart B. Schwartz and translated by Clive Willis and Stuart B. Schwartz. Cambridge University Press: New York, 2010.
  2. Russell-Wood, A.J.R. Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil. Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002.
  3. Skidmore, Thomas E. Brazil: Five Centuries of Change. Oxford University Press: New York, 2010.
  4. Sweet, James H. Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770. The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003.

[1] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 130-144.

[2] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 31.

[3] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 27.

[4] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 27-28.

[5] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 27.

[6] Thomas E. Skidmore, Brazil: Five Centuries of Change, (Oxford University Press: New York, 2010), 36.

[7] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 28.

[8] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 28-29.

[9] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 119.

[10] Ibid.

[11] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 119-120.

[12] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 198.

[13] Ibid.

[14] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 120.

[15] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 121.

[16] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 121-123.

[17]  Ibid.

[18] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 123.

[19] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 128.

[20] Ibid.

[21] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 121, 122.

[22] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 130.

[23] Ibid.

[24] Ibid.

[25] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 132.

[26] Ibid.

[27] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 133.

[28] Ibid.

[29] Ibid.

[30] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 134.

[31] Ibid.

[32] Ibid.

[33]James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 135.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Ibid.

[36] Ibid.

[37] Ibid.

[38] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 144.

[39] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 145.

[40] Ibid.

[41] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 145-146.

[42] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 153.

[43] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 154.

[44] Ibid.

[45] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 146.

[46] Ibid.

[47] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 152.

[48] Ibid.

[49] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 159.

[50] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 164.

[51] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 165.

[52] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 169.

[53] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 200.

[54] Ibid.

[55] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 201.

[56] Ibid.

[57] Ibid.

[58] Ibid.

[59] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 201-202.

[60] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 202.

[61] Ibid.

[62] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 203.

[63] Ibid.

[64] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 205.

[65] Ibid.

[66] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 205-206.

[67] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 206.

[68] Ibid.

[69] Ibid.

[70] Ibid.

[71] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 38.

[72] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 38-39.

[73] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 39.

[74] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 38-39.

[75] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 39.

[76] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 31.

[77] Thomas E. Skidmore, Brazil: Five Centuries of Change, (Oxford University Press: New York, 2010), 37.

[78] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 31.

[79] Ibid.

[80] Thomas E. Skidmore, Brazil: Five Centuries of Change, (Oxford University Press: New York, 2010), 37.

[81] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 32.

[82] Ibid.

[83] Ibid.

[84] Ibid.

[85] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 33.

[86] Ibid.

[87] Ibid.

[88] Ibid.

[89] Ibid.

[90] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 34.

[91] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 34-35.

[92] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 35.

[93] Ibid.

[94] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 37.

[95] Ibid.

[96] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 35.

[97] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 41.

[98] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 41-42.

[99] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 41.

[100] Ibid.

[101] Thomas E. Skidmore, Brazil: Five Centuries of Change, (Oxford University Press: New York, 2010), 36-37.

[102] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 41.

[103] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 41-42.

[104] Ibid.

[105] Richard Morse, The Bandeirantes, (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1968) and translated from Ernesto Ennes, As guerras nos Palmares Colecao Brasiliana, vol. 127 (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1938), pp. 133-4), quoted in Early Brazil: A Documentary Collection to 1700, edited by Stuart B. Schwartz and translated by Clive Willis and Stuart B. Schwartz, (Cambridge University Press: New York, 2010), 264.

[106] Richard Morse, The Bandeirantes, (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1968) and translated from Ernesto Ennes, As guerras nos Palmares Colecao Brasiliana, vol. 127 (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1938), pp. 133-4), quoted in Early Brazil: A Documentary Collection to 1700, edited by Stuart B. Schwartz and translated by Clive Willis and Stuart B. Schwartz, (Cambridge University Press: New York, 2010), 264-265.

[107] Richard Morse, The Bandeirantes, (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1968) and translated from Ernesto Ennes, As guerras nos Palmares Colecao Brasiliana, vol. 127 (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1938), pp. 133-4), quoted in Early Brazil: A Documentary Collection to 1700, edited by Stuart B. Schwartz and translated by Clive Willis and Stuart B. Schwartz, (Cambridge University Press: New York, 2010), 265.

[108] Ibid.

[109] Ibid.

[110] Ibid.

[111] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 130-144.

[112] James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770, (The University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill and London, 2003), 203-206.

[113] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 31.

[114] A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, (Oneworld Publications: Oxford, 2002), 41.

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